Deportation as a Business in the U.S.: Who Is Making Millions?

Private companies profit from migrant detention in the US

Most ICE detention centers are privately run

The system faces criticism over economic incentives

Public discussion about immigration in the United States usually focuses on border security, laws, and human rights. However, there is a less visible dimension that moves billions of dollars every year.

This is the business surrounding the detention and deportation of migrants.

Researchers and civil society organizations have described this model as the “deportation industrial complex,” a term that captures how immigration policies are closely tied to private economic interests.

Deportation as a Business in the United States

Behind every arrest, transfer, or confinement, there is a chain of contracts funded with public money. Private companies play an active role in housing, transporting, and managing people held in immigration custody.

Photo – Tia Dufour – U.S. Department of Homeland Security – Public Domain – Deportation as a Business in the U.S.: Who Is Making Millions?

As a result, immigration enforcement is not driven solely by political decisions, but also by a market logic that rewards the constant filling of detention centers.

The Privatization of Immigration Detention

One of the most revealing facts about the current system is the high level of privatization. Around 90% of people detained by Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) are held in facilities run by for-profit companies, according to Freedom for Immigrants.

This means that most detained migrants are not in government-run centers, but in facilities operated by private corporations that receive daily payments for each person housed.

Two companies dominate much of this market: GEO Group and CoreCivic.

Both firms have signed federal contracts for years to operate immigration detention centers across multiple states.

For these companies, detention is not an isolated service, but a continuous business that depends on how many people are held and how long they remain in custody.

A Revenue Model That Depends on Confinement

Every occupied bed represents guaranteed income. The government pays fixed daily rates per detainee, turning constant occupancy into a key financial objective.

After mass deportations under Donald Trump in the United States, it has been discovered that companies are profiting from these policies. These are the companies that are allegedly getting rich https://t.co/0LPoAz5X0f #EEUU #Trump #deportación pic.twitter.com/Z5lDO49ODE

— Once Noticias (@11_Noticias) April 29, 2025

In 2022, GEO Group reported more than one billion dollars in revenue from ICE contracts. That amount represented nearly 44% of its total annual income.

CoreCivic, meanwhile, obtained roughly 30% of its yearly revenue from similar contracts, highlighting how dependent these companies are on the immigration detention system.

This direct link between detention and profit has raised concerns about incentives to expand detention capacity or prolong confinement periods.

More Detentions, More Business

Recent figures reinforce those concerns. By mid-2025, more than 56,000 people were being held in ICE custody—the highest number since 2019, according to data published by KBPS.org.

This increase means greater use of private facilities, more transportation contracts, and additional support services funded with public money.

Deportation as a Business in the U.S.: Who Is Making Millions? – Photo – Tia Dufour – U.S. Department of Homeland Security – Public Domain

According to civil rights organizations, the system ultimately functions like a machine that requires detained bodies to remain profitable.

In addition, ICE’s budget growth in recent years has enabled the expansion of this model, including contracts with clauses that guarantee payments even when facilities are not fully occupied.

Criticism Over Conditions and Low-Paid Labor

One of the most controversial aspects of the “deportation industrial complex” is the conditions inside detention centers. Human rights advocates have reported sanitation problems, inadequate medical care, and limited oversight.

There have also been documented labor schemes in which detained individuals perform cleaning, kitchen, or maintenance work for as little as “one dollar a day,” far below the minimum wage.

For critics, this model combines confinement, profit, and cheap labor, further increasing the vulnerability of people already facing complex immigration proceedings.

These practices have led to lawsuits and renewed calls to reevaluate the role of private companies in immigration policy.

You may also like: White House Warns of Government Shutdown Risk After Minneapolis Tensions

A Debate That Goes Beyond the Border

Talking about deportations in the United States is not just about laws or security. It is also about how public money fuels a system where confinement becomes a business.

The term “deportation industrial complex” seeks to highlight that intersection between public policy and private profit.

Deportation as a Business in the U.S.: Who Is Making Millions? – Photo – Tia Dufour – U.S. Department of Homeland Security – Public Domain

The central question remains unresolved: can a system built on financial incentives truly prioritize human rights?

As the debate continues, the numbers show that deportation is not only a policy—it is also a multibillion-dollar business.